Politics: 5 questions to ask in order to understand the rise of the far right in Europe

The two concepts are often confused. Contrary to what it embodies in common parlance, where it is synonymous with demagoguery and xenophobia, populism historically refers to popular, egalitarian and generally progressive movements that emerged in Russia and the USA in the late 19th century, then flourished in Latin America in the mid-20th century. Despite their shortcomings, these movements had little in common with the extreme right. The latter is characterized by three elements: exacerbated nationalism, an authoritarian and unequal vision of the world, and a rejection of liberal principles (rule of law, separation of powers, protection of minorities) and even democratic principles (voting rights and the principle of popular sovereignty). Its ideological foundations can be traced back to the reactionary movements against the principles of the French Revolution in the 19th century and, of course, to the fascist episodes of the interwar period. Today, we sometimes speak of the "radical right" rather than the "far right", to signify that these parties, while retaining the essence of their ideological matrix, now accept the rules of the democratic game.

The far right (or radical right) is on the rise in most European countries, even in traditionally protected ones such as Germany, Spain and Portugal, where the still vivid memory of Nazism and authoritarianism guarded against the return of political formations of this type. In recent years, it has become a force capable of claiming power, even in the heart of the European Union. In Italy, it heads the government; in France, it seems to have never been so close to power since the Vichy regime.

There are, of course, many reasons for this rise. If we had to pick just one: the slow decline of "civil society", i.e. the intermediary bodies (parties, trade unions, churches, associations, etc.) that provided the link between citizens and institutions. Today's far right thrives where the social bond is weak, i.e. where individuals are isolated, participate little and have no means of political expression other than this protest vote.

This is the context in which Vlaams Belang is making its comeback in the Flemish political landscape. After its period in the wilderness in the 2010s, when it faded into the background to the benefit of the N-VA, it has reaped excellent results in 2019 and is now heralded as the country's leading political force. There are fewer fears on the French-speaking side: although a young far-right formation seems to have the wind in its sails, this political family is struggling to make inroads south of the language border. The reasons for this? A less pronounced national sentiment than in Flanders, and a strong presence of traditional parties in society.

It's no coincidence that the far right is investing heavily in social networks: they enable it to communicate directly with the isolated voter who is its core target, against the backdrop of the breakdown in social ties we've mentioned. The strategy to be adopted in the face of the rise of the extreme right must therefore be twofold: preserve (or rebuild) social ties wherever possible, and fight effectively with the same communication weapons wherever necessary. Where it works, the first strategy renders the second useless. Reconstructing solidarity networks within society - along the lines of what the PTB is striving to do via medical centers, youth organizations and trade unions - is a long-term defense against the extreme right. Failing that, we need to be able to respond blow for blow to the far right on social networks, and not let it have the privilege of appearing as the modern, fresh and dynamic force against aging and "out-of-touch" traditional parties. From this point of view, there are many lessons to be learned from Emmanuel Macron's two French presidential campaigns.

In terms of ideas, this is undoubtedly the most crucial question. The far right's greatest victory, beyond its electoral successes, is indeed this: having succeeded in imposing its ideas on the agenda, having made them commonplace and acceptable. The recent vote on France's immigration bill was the best illustration of this, and the Rassemblement National was right to present it as an "ideological victory". Faced with this, the traditional parties have three options: ignore it, fight it or adopt part of its program. While the former may work on a small scale, it becomes ineffective as far-right parties gain momentum. The latter, while sometimes able to halt the rise of the far right in the short term, is often counter-productive in the long term, since it leads to the trivialization of far-right ideas by spreading them to other players in the political system. That leaves the option of political combat, ideas against ideas, program against program. Such a fight will only be credible, however, if the traditional parties avoid stigmatizing far-right voters, and also tackle the deep-rooted source of its success by reinvesting the social terrain.

The far right often thrives where voters become demobilized. Contrary to popular belief, it's not the Rassemblement National that is "France's leading working-class party", but abstention! The conclusion is clear: against the extreme right, you must vote (unless, of course, you intend to vote for the extreme right). The compulsory nature of voting in Belgium makes this issue less acute, since turnout rates are always very high. But, more broadly speaking, if the far right lives off the demobilization of civil society, the watchword is: get organized, get mobilized!

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